The death of Syria's defense minister
– in an apparent suicide bombing for which the Syrian rebels have
claimed responsibility – is a sign that the rebellion is gaining
strength and the Assad regime is cracking. I certainly hope so, but it's
important for us to admit that we actually know very little about what
is going on in Syria.
Naturally, our hearts are with the rebels and the Free Syrian Army,
so when we hear reports about this bombing, we hope it is a sign of
their growing reach and effectiveness. But we don't really know much
about the circumstances. Is the use of suicide bombing, for example, a
sign of the greater involvement of Islamic jihadis?
Similarly, when we hear about a massacre, such as reports last week surrounding events in Hama province, we naturally assume that it has been done by the Syrian military in the most brutal possible way.
And in most cases it’s true. But in some
cases we really don’t know enough to be sure. In this most recent
massacre, there’s some evidence that perhaps the Syrian government’s
version of events was closer to reality than we had realized. But what
that highlights to me is not that the Syrian government is less culpable
– this is a government that has systematically and brutally used
violence against men, women and children. Bashar al-Assad and his
henchmen have the blood of innocents on their hands. So whether all the
stories are completely accurate or whether some of them are exaggerated
seems to me largely irrelevant from a moral point of view.
What is relevant is this: we don’t know much about the
rebels. We don’t know, for example, how organized they are or whether
they are bands of free floating groups. We don’t know what is their
agenda or agendas. And we also, despite today’s reports, don’t really
know how effective they are.
The rebels don’t control any part of Syria. In fact, as far as I can
see, they don’t seem to have even been able to hold a town in Syria for
more than a day. They can launch sporadic attacks – sometimes very
effective ones such as the bombing yesterday – they can keep government
forces on edge. But they haven’t been able to hold territory. Compare
that with Libya, where the Libyan rebels were able to hold almost a
third of the country and they took control of a major city, Benghazi.
Now Libya is a very different place – it’s much bigger, with more
open spaces to hide in. But that’s precisely my point – for reasons of
geography, perhaps, or maybe because of lack of organization, the Free
Syrian Army hasn’t been able to succeed in some basic ways. Perhaps it’s
because the Syrian military is very powerful and effective. Perhaps
there are other, sectarian, explanations.
The first step toward figuring out what we can or should do – understanding the situation on the ground.
What we need to know are the following: is the opposition fighting
together in a coordinated way? Who leads it? Does the Syrian National
Council — the main exile opposition group – have any sway over these
forces? Do the groups on the ground have any sectarian flavor? Are they
largely Kurdish or Sunni? What is the role of the jihadi militant groups
in the Syrian rebellion?
All this is not an argument for inaction – I’ve laid out a strategy
to put intense pressure of the Assad regime earlier. But we need good
information. And I’d say this applies not just to Western governments,
but to the Western media as well.
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